By Robert L. Grenier
The “first” Afghan conflict, a CIA battle according to 9-11, used to be directed via the CIA Station leader in Islamabad. It placed Hamid Karzai in strength in 88 days. “If you will have an insider’s account of the 1st American-Afghan battle, you can’t do larger than this…Important interpreting to appreciate the place we're today” (Library Journal).
From his guidance of the unique, post-9/11 battle plan, authorized by way of President Bush, via to “final” fleeting victory, Robert Grenier relates the story of the “southern campaign,” which drove al-Qa’ida and the Taliban from Kandahar, its capital, in an remarkable eighty-eight days.
“With his ringside seat because the senior organization legitimate stationed closest to Afghanistan, Grenier is ready to describe assembly via assembly, occasionally cell name after mobile name, how occasions unfolded” (The big apple Times). In his gripping account, we meet: basic Tommy Franks, who bridles at CIA regulate of “his” conflict; normal “Jafar Amin,” a gruff Pakistani intelligence officer who saves Grenier from committing profession suicide; Maleeha Lodhi, Pakistan’s impressive ambassador to the united states, who attempts to warn her govt of the al-Qa’ida probability; and Hamid Karzai, the complicated anti-Taliban rebel, a guy with components of greatness, petulance, and moods.
With suspense and perception, Grenier information his very own struggles and triumphs. 88 Days to Kandahar is “an action-packed story, wealthy in implication, of the post-9/11 race to unseat the Taliban and rout al-Qaida in Afghanistan” (Kirkus Reviews).
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Additional resources for 88 Days to Kandahar: A CIA Diary
369. 26 Hiro, The Longest War, p. 175. 27 Iraq had initiated a tanker war in 1984, hitting Iranian oil carriers in the Gulf as part of a campaign to disable the oil-producing capacities of Iran. Soon after, both countries were engaged in a tanker war that threatened oil shipping in the area and led Kuwait, the closest country to the conflict, to ask for Soviet protection of its oil tankers. The Soviets agreed and the United States soon followed. The reflagging of oil tankers meant that Iran’s attacks threatened to involve its government in conflict with the United States and the Soviet Union, a situation it wanted to avoid at all costs.
Such narratives would have provided the context within which to frame their personal stories. By contrast, the European, American, and Israeli soldiers who fought the various wars have adeptly challenged the official narratives of these wars precisely because there was a modicum of a national consensus, albeit manufactured, about the war story. 2 Iraq’s Wars under the Ba‘th The history of the Iran-Iraq (1980–8) and First Gulf (1991) wars, as well as the twelve-year, UN-imposed sanctions regime (1991–2003), is best understood within three contexts: the ideology and the internal politics of the Ba‘thist state; the threat the Iranian Revolution posed to regional political order and Iraq’s place in it; and the emergence of a new global order led by the United States and increasingly administered by various international organizations such as the UN working closely with the United States to manage conflict and punish “criminal” regimes.
Ibid, p. 583. 18 19 Iraq’s Wars under the Ba‘th 31 repeated offers by Iraq. Soon after the withdrawal in June 1982, Saddam Hussain convened the Ninth Regional Party Congress of the Ba‘th Party. The party leadership anointed Saddam Hussain the chief ideologue and his words became the guiding principle of Ba‘thist education and political mobilization. 20 To further consolidate his power, Saddam Hussain turned the Office of the Presidency into a primary center of decision making by staffing it with six ministerial special advisers.